Symbolism of Bayon-period string orchestras

Last update: December 6, 2023

The ancient Khmers left us a great book of stone images, which we need to decode, i.e. interpret the images in the spirit in which they were carved. But we must also discover what has not been shown. In the case of the written word, we'd say: reading between the lines. 

The ancient Khmer were both Hinduized and Buddhized, with one or the other religious current dominating at different times. 

Since our focus is on music, we'll concentrate on the palatine and religious orchestras of the Bayon. 

In the case of the string orchestras, we know that Khmer sculptors did not depict all the instruments due to various constraints, which we believe to be the following, without claiming to be exhaustive: 

1. The deliberate omission of commonplaces
2. Space available on temple walls
3. Priority given to the strongest symbols
4. iconographic interest
5. The structure of the material, which may or may not allow a certain level of detail to be sculpted.

We will attempt to define the composition of the orchestras of the Bayon period, taking into account their tangible reality, their pre-Bayon Indian history, as well as their continuity, notably in Siam after the fall of Angkor, and in contemporary Cambodia. Finally, we'll be looking at the symbolism behind them:

1. The number of servants - musicians and singers - making up the orchestras
2. Number of instruments per orchestra
3. The nature of the instruments and their symbolism

To approach the counting system for string orchestra instruments in the Bayon period, we'll begin with a living reference: the counting system of the Damai* of Nepal, whose orchestras vary in geometry according to the availability of musicians (damahi) and the wealth of those who employ them: panchai (panche) baja and naumati baja. We have devoted a documentary film to this subject, available here (in French).

* The Damai are a professional "caste" of tailors and musicians.

Panchai Baja (literally: five instruments) is an ensemble of five instruments played on special occasions such as weddings. 

Composition of the panchai baja orchestra:

1 dholaki barrel drum

1 small tyamko kettledrum

1 large damaha or nagara timpani

1 sahanai oboe

1 pair of jhurma or jhyali cymbals

The second set is called naumati baja (literally: nine instruments). Although nine instruments are required, only six types are used. Naumati baja includes all the instruments used in panchai baja, with the addition of two trumpets: narsingha or karnal.

Composition of the naumati baja orchestra:

1 dholaki barrel drum 

1 tyamko small timpani

2 damaha or nagara large timpani 

2 sahanai oboes

1 pair of jhurma or jhyali cymbals 

2 narsingha or karnal trumpets (these two instruments are highly propitious, and therefore much sought-after for ceremonies).

These two examples show that the actual number of instruments is taken into account, regardless of their nature. The naumati baja orchestra is made up of just six instrumental types, and three instruments are duplicated.

We're now going to take a trip through time and space to some of the places in South and Southeast Asia where Hinduism and Buddhism took root, and for which iconography of palatine or religious orchestras has come down to us, the two being intertwined: Hindu orchestras (India, Cambodia, Champa), Hindu-Buddhist orchestras (Khmer Empire of the Bayon period), Buddhist orchestras (Borobudur, Ayutthaya).

The table below provides a summary based on the list of donations from the Lolei temple (9^th c.); it is the most complete we know of. What's more, it is organized hierarchically in terms of value, whether material goods (objects in gold, silver, bronze, etc.) or personnel (dancers, singers, musicians, etc.). Lolei's original list does not directly mention "musical instruments", but "players of musical instruments". For practical reasons, we have chosen to list only the names of musical instruments.

The hierarchy is perfectly demonstrated here, as dancers, singers, percussionists and cymbalists have stood the test of time. As for the original cordophones, i.e. the zither and harp, they were replaced in the Ayutthaya mahori orchestra by the saw sam sai trichord spike fiddle and the phin/krajappi long-necked four-string lute at an as yet undetermined period, but probably before the 18^th century. Iconography and texts are lacking.

In addition to the harp, other instruments of lesser importance are mentioned in Lolei's list. If, however, they found continuity into the Angkorian period, they have never been represented or cited. Some appear to be lutes, if the etymology of the terms is anything to go by. This is particularly true of the trisarī, a trichord lute of Indian origin that appears in iconography from the same period in Borobudur, Champa and Siam. In no case, in this hierarchical logic, did the phin/krajappi follow the lute(s) of secondary importance. It was the harp known as vīṇā in old Khmer (a term of Sanskrit origin, but in fact a false friend, as it designates zithers of various kinds in that language!) from which the terms pin ពិណ in modern Khmer and phin พิณ in Thai derive. Moreover, Lolei's list contains two quotations for percussion instruments.Some of these must therefore be considered major (conductor drum?) and others minor (wooden blocks?). But for now, the mystery remains. 

There are several configurations of the mahori orchestra, including cordophones and melodic percussion such as the gong chimes seen on an 18^th-century cabinet in Bangkok's National Museum. However, the Buddhaisawan Chapel illuminators seem to have represented the earliest and most delicate form of the mahori ensemble, excluding melodic percussion.As these orchestras are directly related to the life of the Buddha, popular belief probably traces their origins back to His time. They are therefore more a metaphor - with very real structural links - than a tangible reality. The artists have included the nostalgia of vanished worlds, both that of the Buddha's time and that of the Kingdom of Ayutthaya.

What's immediately striking in this table is the continuity of certain "workstations" from Lolei's list: dancers, singers, cymbals and two types of cordophone, one conducting the melody (monochord zither then trichord fiddle), the other accompanying (harp then lute). The second striking element is the total absence of drums in the Bayon string orchestras, whether palatine or religious. The reason for this is fundamentally unknown to us. We can only note the continuity of the presence of three drums played by the same musician from the 5^th century in South India to the present day in the pin peat orchestra (skor thom with two elements and samphor).

In view of our reference based on the instrument count of the Damai of Nepal, we are not much further ahead with regard to the instrument count of early orchestras, as we do not know which instruments were duplicated. We can only give an account of their nature, without however being able to claim to be exhaustive, as there are instruments of secondary importance (lutes, rattles, flutes...) which may or may not be involved. We know from experience that orchestras vary in size, depending on the number of instruments or musicians available, or the financial fortune or social standing of the patron.

The Bayon sculptors depicted court orchestras, whether or not they duplicated the cordophones, in this case the monochord double-resonator zither and the harp. But in no case did they depict the drums, which were most certainly part of the string orchestras. Let's take a look at the most qualitatively relevant iconographic representations.

This Palatine orchestra is one of the most complete represented at the Bayon, as the stringed instruments are duplicated. Thus, from center to right, we find a female singer - recognizable by her bun and gestures (open mouth and outstretched hand) - a first female citharist, a female scraper, two harpists, a second female citharist, a female cymbalist who is probably also a singer, since she wears a bun. 

By convention, we'll include singers in our count, but exclude dancers. We use the term "servant" to designate musicians and singers (both male or female).

Servant count

1. Female singer 1
2. Zither 1
3. Zither 2
4. Harp 1
5. Harp 2
6. Cymbals (female singer 2)
7. Racle

Instruments by type

1. Zither
2. Harp
3. Cymbals
4. Racle

We don't know the nature of the symbolic paradigm for string orchestras in the reign of Jayavarman VII. Among Hindus, the numbers five and nine are known to us. In both cases, we find an even number, i.e. a harmful one. We must therefore either subtract the cymbals played by the second singer, who is not wearing a crown but a bun, or add instruments not represented. But which ones?

Here, the sculptor has depicted two female musicians and a female singer in front of the orchestra, recognizable by her bun and gestures. The two figures in the background may be the cymbals and scraper players.

 Counting the servants

1. Singer
2. Zither
3. Harp
4. Unspecified instrument (scraper?)
5. Unspecified instrument (cymbals?)

Instruments by type

1. Zither
2. Harp
3. Unspecified instrument (scraper?)
4. Unspecified instrument (cymbals?)

This bas-relief shows a palatine orchestra, two dancers, queens Indradevi and Jayarajadevi and King Jayavarman VII, recognizable by his triconical crown. The singer is curiously missing. The figure behind the harpist is probably the cymbal player, an essential instrument in any orchestra.

Counting the servants

1. Zither 1
2. Zither 2
3. Harp
4. Unspecified instrument (cymbals?)

Instrument count by type

1. Zither
2. Harp
3. Unspecified instrument (cymbals?)

This bas-relief is atypical in its presentation, as the musicians move in procession through the crowd. On first viewing, its disorganized nature hardly inspires confidence. But after comparing it with other bas-reliefs representing palatine ensembles, it becomes a masterpiece. At first glance, the position of the heads of the two citharists and the scraper is intriguing. But let's imagine that this orchestra is playing in a crowd, and that the acoustic power of these instruments is low. So they turn around to bring their ears closer to the sound source. Note the singer's mouth, projecting the sound upwards, as if to make himself better heard by the crowd.

Counting the servants

1. Singer
2. Zither 1
3. Zither 2
4. Harp 1
5. Unspecified instrument (harp 2?)
6. Cymbalettes (second singer)
7. Scraper

Instruments by type

1. Zither
2. Harp
3. Cymbalettes
4. Scraper

Counting servants

1. Harp
2. Scraper
3. Cymbals

Instrument count by type

1. Harp
2. Scraper
3. Cymbals

This scene is unique in the Angkorian world. It features wrestlers, knife fighters, acrobats, a tightrope walker and two string orchestras facing each other. In symbolic response to the scenes above, where men engage in physical combat, the two orchestras confront each other in verbal jousts, most likely sung. This practice still exists in Cambodia and adjacent countries.

Speaker count

1. Singer 1
2. Singer 2
3. Zither 1
4. Garuda-head harp
5. Cymbals
6. Servants without visible instruments x5

Instrument count by type

1. Zither
2. Garuda-head harp
3. Cymbals

This conclusion includes all temples of the Bayon period with at least one music scene, namely: Bayon, Banteay Chhmar, Ta Phrom and Preah Khan d'Angkor.

• Servants: at best, a maximum of seven servants are represented in the court orchestras. In the case of the circus scene, five men are included in the orchestra, but there is no indication of their function.
• Instruments: only four types of instrument are represented: zither, harp, scraper and cymbal.

No tangible conclusion can be drawn as to the numerological symbolism of the string orchestras of the Bayon period. The sculptors chose to depict only four types of instrument, plus one or two singers. The instruments are presented alone or in duplicate (zither, harp); sometimes only the zither or harp is duplicated. As for the instruments not represented, notably the drums, we don't know the reason for this choice. It seems impossible to us that drums were absent from string orchestras. A hypothetical occurrence at Angkor Wat might prove this, but the evidence is too weak.

In the Angkorian era, as in modern times, there are hidden symbols for every musical instrument. These have changed over time, and may differ from one region of Cambodia to another, or even from one musical master to another. No written text offers direct information for the Angkorian period. The instruments must therefore be compared with other symbolic references. We therefore offer here a hypothetical reflection based on our current knowledge.

The kinnara zithers represented in the string orchestras of the Bayon period all have two calabash resonators. We have hypothesized the existence of another fretted zither. This hypothesis will not be pursued in this chapter. 

The single-string zither is, according to the teachings of the Lolei list - certainly from the 9^th century, but we have no later texts! - the orchestra's first cordophone. It was probably she who led the melody. As the first instrument, she is most certainly female. A hypothesis built on several elements:

• The necks of traditional Khmer single-string zithers, kse diev or kse muoi, represent the nāga, the mythical animal guardian of the earth and waters. Waters are feminine. The handle symbolizes the body of the mythical serpent, and the end where the rope hangs, its head.
• In the case of the kinnara, the two resonating calabashes represent the woman's breasts. In the center of each calabash is a hole for attaching it to the neck, and inside is a round, black piece (the breast aureole) cut from a coconut with several holes (as on contemporary instruments, notably the kse diev). We don't know how this piece was made at the time of the Bayon, but hypothetically speaking, it was pierced with 6 holes representing the galactophoric glands, of which there are 6 per breast in Khmer belief (in reality, between 15 and 20).
• The monochord zither can play a maximum of 12 notes, i.e. an octave and a fifth, or a twelfth.

The number twelve symbolizes women in Khmer society, as do the soft parts, i.e. body fluids: excrement, bile, lymph, blood, sweat, fat, tears, oil, saliva, mucus, synovium, urine. This list is enumerated by Buddhist monks during ceremonies such as the "Calling the Pralung".

The harp seems to have had twenty-one strings, according to a count on two beautifully crafted instruments depicted in the Bayon bas-reliefs. The number 21 is masculine. In Vedic literature, it is associated with both Earth and Sun; in Theravada Buddhism, earth is hard, as opposed to water, which is soft and feminine. The harp neck could well represent a stretched phallus!

In many cases, at the Bayon, the harp is depicted with eleven strings because the instrument is small and the sculptor made this choice, probably for technical reasons linked to the friability of the rock to be carved. Here again, however, we could be talking about twenty-one-string harps, with eleven strings represented in positive relief and ten in negative relief by omission.

The two physical elements making up the cymbals symbolize the Sun and Moon. Their rhythmic interplay sequences time, in the image of the two stars that punctuate the seasons of Khmer rice-growing society.

The symbolism of the scraper is unknown. However, it should be noted that this instrument, most probably made of wood, both complements and opposes the metallic sound of cymbals. It could also represent the element of water, as its sound is reminiscent of the frogs associated with rain and water.

Initially built in brick, Khmer temples have a square base and open to the east. The four faces are thus oriented in the four directions, each guarded by a dikpāla: fire, water, air, earth.

We can therefore see that the Khmer orchestra, as might be expected, is made up of a female instrument (monochord zither) - principal, generating the melody - and a male instrument (harp) - follower, accompanying the melody. We believe that this situation existed before the arrival of the Brahmins, since the gong sets and bamboo instruments of the proto-Khmer living on the borders of Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam are also structured in this way.